A single incident can change the world as we perceived it within a moment. The recent riots by the Far-Right in the UK were a sobering reminder of this precarity. The violent upheaval followed a terrifying stabbing incident in Southport, making everyone painfully aware of how severe social tensions are in a country that claims to embrace cultural diversity, peacefulness and tolerance.

Suddenly, it appeared that the fascist threat that led to numerous street clashes in the previous century were no more a thing of the past.

Members of the Afropean team have come together to reflect on the recent racist violence in the UK, the possible underlying socio-economic causes and ways to reverse these disturbing trends. 

How did you feel when you first heard about the riots?

Tola: I was on holiday when I learned of the Southport attacks. I wanted to disconnect a little from current affairs. A friend mentioned in a text that high profile right wing figures like Nigel Farage and Andrew Tate were exploiting the issue to air Islamophobic smears. I had no idea to what she was referring, assuming/hoping that it was a past incident that might have slipped my mind. A few days later I heard more details about the dreadful attacks, which happened to take place on my birthday. Sadly, it felt like there wasn’t even time to lament the deaths before the whole issue was hijacked by the Far-Right Industrial Complex. Cynical is not the word.

As for the riots themselves, again, I came to know about them in a roundabout way. Activist acquaintances here in Belgium were concerned about the welfare of my loved ones back in the UK. I’m also on the mailing list for the Peace & Justice Project. They emailed members, encouraging them to attend the anti-fascist rallies, as long as they felt comfortable doing so.  As I’m not living in the UK, I forwarded on the notifications. Later that week, I watched coverage of the riots and the peaceful counter-protests by various Left-wing independent outlets.

Nina: I was shocked when I first found out that the Southport tragedy led to another violent rampage. I have to say it took me aback. However, when I reflect on my time living in the UK, I was not at a loss about where all the vitriol came from. I lived in the UK for over 15 years. Ever since I set foot in the country, I noticed the anti-immigration rhetoric spewed by the media and political figures. Unfortunately, over the years it just got worse. I was saddened that the powers-that-be allowed it to reach this extreme level. Many people say that what happened was inevitable because the hatred, resentment and myths were nurtured over so many years. I agree with that. Sadly, there are numerous organisations, particularly in the media, and public figures that are openly taking advantage of this. It’s dire.

Adama: Like many others, I was deeply appalled, though not entirely surprised. The upsurge of far-right rhetoric, Islamophobia, and hostile discourse in our politics and media, towards immigration and multiculturalism, has created a volatile environment, that made what we’ve seen possible. It was only a matter of time before a flashpoint would ignite this kind of reaction, leading racists and far-right extremists to take to the streets.

There were online rumours that the person responsible for the tragic deaths of the three young girls in Southport was a Muslim and an illegal immigrant. None of that was true, although it would still have been equally tragic if it were. In reality, the accused perpetrator is 17-year-old Axel Rudakubana, who was born and raised in Cardiff to Rwandan Christian parents who emigrated to Britain. At this moment, the nation’s focus should be on the horrifying nature of this attack, the immense pain endured by the victims’ loved ones, and how any of this was possible. Instead, hatred has taken centre stage.

I am writing about this as a British national and Muslim living abroad, whose family still lives in the UK. I was and am still worried about the safety of my parents should they attend their local mosque, and for all visible Muslims and non-white people. I often get asked whether these riots were unprecedented and, quite frankly, ‘what’s going on in the UK?’ The UK is now garnering a reputation I don’t think it had before Brexit.

Yomi: The details of the initial knife attack in Southport were gruesome. I immediately assumed it was an act of terrorism, and I anxiously began to pray (even though I follow no religion) that the perpetrator would not be black. This might seem fickle, but it is often a thought that runs through my mind when I hear of high profile crimes. I said similar prayers when the Trump assassination attempt happened in July 2024 (and, it seems that there are others who share my sentiments).

When reports of the initial disturbances broke out in Southport the anxiety switched to dread, because I knew that there would be a percentage of the UK population that would seek instant (violent) retribution on the communities that they felt were responsible for the attack.

There is a contrast between that sense of dread, and the sense of anger I felt in the summer of 2011, when a young black man was killed under questionable circumstances by the police in Tottenham.  Protests against the killing followed, which later erupted into violent clashes between the police and protestors. These clashes then spread to multiple regions across the country.

At that moment I had a very high level of mistrust for the police and, as a result, I spent a lot of time arguing and debating with work colleagues and online contacts, that the black community had a right to rage at yet another police killing. A few days later when it became clear that the protestors had been replaced with looters, I started to change my opinion. A right to protest and rage does not equal a right to burn, loot and steal.

These memories and that contradiction between my support for raging protests in 2011 versus my knee-jerk condemnation for raging protests in 2024, have been echoing around my head since these latest riots began. I’m still searching for a way to make these thoughts and feelings fit together.

If you were to compare the UK society now and a decade ago, what has changed?

Tola:  I’m a Londoner born and raised but I’ve not lived in the UK for the best part of the last decade. What I can say is that this escalation of anti-(racialised)migrant and/or anti-Muslim hatred isn’t some new phenomenon. Racist dog whistles were a mainstay of the previous Conservative government’s repertoire. Pushed by far-right sympathisers within and without, they helped to mainstream these extremist ideas. Home secretaries like Priti Patel and Suella Braverman took on positions even more extreme than some of their white colleagues. Coming from racialised backgrounds, they gave these views further legitimacy in the eyes of those who sought it.

Nevertheless, as the anti-racist Left has recounted umpteen times, New Labour was especially effective in demonising so-called illegal immigrants (a human being is never ‘illegal’) and propagating the image of the ‘bogus asylum seeker’, especially in the early 2000s. Their policies backed it up.  Labour party candidates ran outrageously racist local election campaigns. Some would say that the Tories merely built on this awful legacy. The current ersatz iteration of the Labour Party contribute to the inhumane approach towards certain migrants. They frame it as a question of ‘competence’ and good economics rather than a human rights issue. Indeed, former human rights lawyer himself, Keir Starmer accused former PM Rishi Sunak of ‘losing control of the borders’. Mere weeks after the riots, the new Home Secretary, Yvette Cooper, has introduced policies targeting undocumented migrants which are supposed to rival the Tories disastrous ‘hostile environment’ campaign. Both major UK parties have a long history of institutionalised racism. In that sense, Jeremy Corbyn was an outlier as an openly anti-imperialist, anti-racist leader of the Labour Party. Even then, he was pressured to temper his pro-migration sympathies.

“10 years ago, you could find me repeating the same ‘legitimate concerns’ arguments that many other first and second generation migrants have also bought into.”

Within the past 10 years we also saw the advent of Brexit, which further mainstreamed anti-migrant discourse. More recently, we’ve witnessed the double standards over the welcome of Ukrainian migrants and the treatment of Afghan refugees or potential Palestinian asylum seekers. A few years ago, at the height of Brexit, Eastern Europeans were the scapegoat of choice for many. This changed for reasons of political expedience and the conveniently adaptable definition of Whiteness.

The rioters and other far-right protesters have clearly been galvanised. Politically, they’ve observed significant gains across continental Europe and now the electoral success of the Reform party in the UK, led by the ubiquitous Farage. He’s aided and abetted by a British press all too willing to give him a platform.

Some rioters are adopting the ethnocentric, Christian nationalist rhetoric of the Right in the US and some mainland European versions like Hungary’s Viktor Orban. As a practising Christian myself, it’s distressing to hear the message of Christ distorted beyond recognition. These characters clearly do not connect with the first century Middle Eastern Jewish carpenter and His teachings.  It’s instead a Europeanised version of their own making. From the time at least of the Crusades and the Doctrine of Discovery, this Eurocentric Jesus has been used to justify all kinds of atrocities.

On a personal note, my views on immigration have evolved in the past decade. Much of my work and activism has centred around migration rights in recent years. I wasn’t against the welcome of asylum-seekers or refugees. However, 10 years ago, you could find me repeating the same ‘legitimate concerns’ arguments about integration that many other first and second generation migrants have also bought into.  Someone close to me, also from a racialised background and ostensibly on the Left, would make remarks about a lack of integration, not dissimilar to Farage. The politicians’ and media’s default to xenophobia and anti-migrant sentiment is frightening in its efficacy and insidiousness. It hangs in the air like a miasma and is easily imbibed if you’re not careful. This was also evident in the lack of solidarity amongst some racialised groups and their support of Brexit.  Yet for many of us, it’s often inconsistent with our general politics. Not to mention it’s obviously not in our interest, especially coming from migrant backgrounds.

My own position radically shifted through others challenging me, albeit not always in the most humble or understanding manner. Nonetheless, I was eventually open to a different perspective.  Now I feel frustrated when I hear an older relative drawing false corollaries between immigration and socio-economic degradation, rather than blaming neoliberalism. They really should know better. I have to remind myself to be patient. My own ideas have changed over time.  That said, I do worry that older folk are set in their ways.

Nina: A decade ago, there was a lot less tension in the UK society but I think, it was the start of the social change we are seeing. This was the beginning of the Brexit campaign which started to sow the seeds of hatred in UK society. Worse still, it went completely unchecked. But, back in the day, there was a lot more tolerance, the British state seemed to care more about the organisations that prevent hate and the society in general had higher moral standards. The hatred we see now and the disparaging comments from people in power would be unacceptable at the time, in most cases. Of course, there were the provocateurs a la Nigel Farage, who were always trying to push boundaries, but this was a time when they would not be allowed to say so much.

Unfortunately, over the past decade, morals standards have dropped and I think they reached a new low. At present, it is completely normal to say morally unacceptable things and even feel like a hero. Bad behaviour is only punished when it reaches extreme levels; sometimes not even then. People learned how to rationalise it, excuse it, pass on the blame and pretend that what they do is completely normal, and that they are the victims.

When I tune into the news and political commentary, I have to say that the UK has almost the same kind of mentality as the country where I was born, Slovakia. It’s a country that is very different in terms of diversity. It has had issues with bigotry and racism for years and they were never really properly addressed. So, it is pretty sad that a culturally diverse country such as the UK now has the same level of discourse. Knowing how intolerance is harming different communities in my country of origin, it’s disappointing to see that the peaceful place the UK used to be is now becoming the same.

Adama: We have so many issues, whether that’s the crippled state of our public services, the housing crisis or the cost of living crisis. All these mostly came about due to successive Conservative governments. Whether people realise it or not, these policies were further legitimised when the country voted to leave the European Union in 2016. The driving force behind that decision was immigration, rather than our politicians’ ability to effectively address the country’s real problems. We’ve left the EU, but what’s changed or is changing?

History has taught us that when these conditions occur, those on the lowest totem pole, or those othered, are blamed. But as I mentioned before, the flames could only be stoked by people in power or with agency. When you had the Rwanda Deportation Plan and the claims by former Home Secretary Suella Braverman that pro-Palestinian marches are ‘hate’ marches, Reform leader Nigel Farage castigating young Muslims as opposers of ‘British values,’ and parts of our mainstream media pulling out the stops to continually demonise ethnic minority groups in the country, it is not a surprise that we are where we are.

Even now, Prime Minister Keir Starmer has refused to describe the riots as racist and Islamophobic, and it’s unacceptable that he has not been clear about the nature of the ‘thuggery’ he condemns.

What we remove from the equation in all this, is that so many of our parents and foreparents emigrated to the country because of the legacy of enslavement and colonisation that the UK meted out on their native homes. That’s not to say that immigrants or the descendants of immigrants are victims as such. They struggled and worked incredibly hard to build the UK we have today, and in the face of much harder struggles than we are experiencing right now. I know this because my parents came in their early to mid-20s as students in the early 1980s in what was probably the UK’s ‘Civil Rights Moment.’ This was because of the spate of uprisings that took place against racist activity from the likes of the police and across the country. We deserve to be here, and we are going to continue to be here.

Yomi: I think that the edges of UK society are now further apart than they were 10 years ago: affluent areas are ever more affluent, under-developed areas are more under-developed.

Those that are in debt and struggling to make ends meet, are struggling more now than 10 years ago; and those at the other end of the scale have less of an understanding about that struggle.

Leadership has become less trustworthy, and, in some cases, akin to situation comedy.

In addition to this, I feel that the biggest change (at the global level) is in the way the bigger technology platforms behave nowadays. Many of these platforms (our biggest providers of information) are approaching their endgame scenarios: having established huge user bases, they now plan to generate maximum revenue before their platforms become outdated/get replaced by fresher competitors/get quashed by government regulation. Nowhere is this truer than ‘X’ (formerly known as ‘Twitter’). I feel that this platform played a key role in propagating incorrect information about the Southport attack, and then fanning the flames of the riots as soon as they began. In addition to this, the owner of ‘X’ has continuously posted on the topic of the UK riots during recent days (no links to his posts are included here, to avoid aiding his cause). 10 years ago the leaders of hugely influential platforms like ‘X’ would have refrained from posting inflammatory comments in the midst of an unstable situation – even if it reflected their true opinion – for fear of exacerbating the situation and causing further harm. Today, the leaders of the big technology platforms are happy to risk causing harm, if it brings more eyes and more revenue to their platform.

What can we learn from the current situation to prevent similar things from happening in future?

Tola: I tend to default to good, Paulo Freire-style, horizontal political education. It’s not always a question of ignorance; some on the Far-Right are well aware that they peddle lies and misinformation.  There is nevertheless something to be said about helping ordinary people to develop their skills of critical analysis, as well as learning a decolonised history. Black British feminist pioneers such as Stella Dadzie and Suzanne Scafe, were onto this decades before it became a buzzword post-2020 BLM uprisings. In the contemporary context, I think this is where unions can play a significant role. They already have a captive audience. However, as War on Want director Asad Rehman and others note, unions need to be proactively anti-racist and not just reactive.

We should continue to build working class solidarity by routinely drawing links between causes; a failed economic system, ecological breakdown, resisting the Far Right and justice for Palestine, for example.

At the same time, we can’t be naïve about the scale of the problem. Race theory gained traction as a socio-economic tool to justify transatlantic slavery, colonialism and to stymie cross-cultural working class solidarity. Unfortunately, over the centuries it’s become reified of sorts. Whiteness has exceeded its economic usefulness. As a construct it is now also tied up in identity and national pride. It’s worse still in contexts like France, Spain and Britain, which had vast empires. Many are conditioned to find their value in – and base their identity on – what should be a shameful history. It’s not easy for them to let go. Some minds will never be changed. It’s therefore best to concentrate our efforts on those who still have a modicum of openness and see if coalitions can be built.

“I think there is a need for increased dialogue among the UK working class, across all communities, coupled with better political representation for the UK working class.”

Nina: I think one of the lessons to take from this situation is that freedom of speech needs to be upheld, as do the laws against hate speech. I think the rule of law in this matter was completely ignored and a lot of inappropriate behaviour and commentary were allowed to be expressed freely in the public sphere. This has caused much damage in the UK society.

Ironically, people who like to hide behind the freedom of speech argument are often the same people who do not tolerate opinions that are different from theirs. They react by saying things such as ‘if you don’t like it here, get out and find a new country’ or ‘go back to where you came from’. I think clear boundaries for freedom of speech need to be set, reminding individuals and institutions that freedom does not mean a green light to dehumanise someone.

I think it is a big lesson for the officials responsible for immigration policies and for the Home Office that failed to address this issue. Instead of trying to provide good services to people who need immigration support, they just started attacking them because the moral laxity made it possible. I think state institutions responsible for handling immigration need to be held more accountable for their mistakes.

Finally, it is important to show more support for community living. I think that services such as education, healthcare and social services had taken a beating by the austerity of the previous government and this needs to be rectified. People deserve a fair value for their taxes. For many years they’ve observed less and less state provisions, while they have to invest more and more, and their salaries generally stagnate. So, improvement of living standards is also essential to prevent this kind of violence from happening again.

Adama: The first thing I will say is that we should not be deluded about the fact that the UK’s racism is very real and very potent. And no, it is not always a docile manifestation of the kinds of racism we often associate with the United States or other parts of Europe.

Second, we should take very seriously the role that social media has and continues to play in exacerbating tensions, and that should start with our politicians taking a greater stance in addressing the causes and policies that buffer it.

One positive outcome that we have witnessed is how communities are mobilising resistance to the hatred; whether that’s helping to support Muslim communities and mosques that have been violated in the riots, or the way thousands in Walthamstow and other parts of my city, London, came together to stand up to far-right rioters. This needs to continue to send out a clear message that good-willed people will not make space for hatred and vigilantism.

Yomi: I think there is a need for increased dialogue among the UK working class, across all communities, coupled with better political representation for the UK working class. I also think that the big technology platforms should be forced to remove or clearly label incorrect information.